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Mandela - The "Great Statesman" 

Mandela with SACP boss, Joe Slovo 
"Nelson Mandela is a symbol, an icon, one of the world's most famous statesmen, 
recognised and revered by all. He dines with royalty, associates with the world's great 
leaders and his opinion is sought and valued on all weighty matters. He has achieved an 
almost divine status in the world, equal to that of the Pope or the late Princess Diana." 
Most people on the left of the political spectrum would agree wholeheartedly with the 
above quote. But they run into an unexpected problem when someone asks "why is he 
considered such a great statesman?" 

The problem is that Mandela, apart from having a likeable personality, has achieved next 
to nothing in his relatively short political career which saw South Africa rapidly decline 
to the status of the world's most violent and crime-ridden country, and, to add to the 
confusion, his greatest friends are communists and dictators like Fidel Castro, Moammar 
Qaddafi, Yasser Arafat and Saddam Hussein. His ex-wife Winnie Mandela, whom he 
quickly jettisoned when it became clear she was a considerable embarassment to his 
political career, is a self-confessed advocate of terrorism and violence and has even 
committed murder. 

In his public statements and speeches Mandela is always critical of the democratic 
countries of the west, but has nothing but praise for the remaining communist 
dictatorships of the world. He condemns mistakes and controversial policies of the west, 
but refuses to publicly condemn the genocides and brutal repression of current or former 
communist countries; he is supposedly a "champion of freedom and democracy", the 
"hero of oppressed people everywhere" but considers dictatorships like Cuba and Libya 
shining beacons of freedom and justice... 

Perhaps this is what makes Mandela such a revered statesman - chameleon-like he can 
advocate democracy and freedom as the highest ideals one day and hold up Cuba or 
Libya as shining examples for the world to follow the next day. And his admirers do not 
even notice the contradiction, or worse, they agree with him... 

Many of his apologists optimistically claim that Mandela may well have had "communist 
leanings" in his past, but that he has since put all that behind him and become a moderate 
in his political beliefs. They are perhaps unaware of his fulsome praise of a communist 
dictatorship as late as 1991 when he and Winnie went to what they called their "second 
home" - Cuba - to celebrate the communist revolution with Fidel Castro. In his speech 
Mandela said: 

"Long live the Cuban Revolution. Long live comrade Fidel Castro... Cuban 
internationalists have done so much for African independence, freedom, and 
justice. We admire the sacrifices of the Cuban people in maintaining their 
independence and sovereignty in the face of a vicious imperialist campaign 
designed to destroy the advances of the Cuban revolution. We too want to 
control our destiny... There can be no surrender. It is a case of freedom or death. 
The Cuban revolution has been a source of inspiration to all freedom-loving 

Mandela's adulation of Castro and Cuba almost outshines that of his own admirers. In 
May of 1990 Mandela, visiting America, went on record, referring to Cuba: 

There's one thing where that country stands out head and shoulders above the 
rest. That is in its love for human rights and liberty. 

A week later in Libya, he lauded Qaddafi's: 

Committment to the fight for peace and human rights in the world. 

While in America Mandela also made public statements that amounted to support for 
violence and terrorism in the furtherance of political aims. In a speech in Harlem, 
referring to four Puerto Rican terrorists who shot and wounded five US Congressmen in 
1954, he said: 

We support the cause of anyone who is fighting for self-determination, and our 
attitude is the same, no matter who it is. I would be honored to sit on the platform 
with the four comrades you refer to. 

Suitable "comrades" for Mandela indeed. He was himself originally incarcerated, not for 

his political views, but for involvement in 23 different acts of sabotage and conspiring to 

overthrow the government. He and his fellow conspirators of the ANC and the South 

African Communist Party were caught by the police while in the possession of 48,000 

Soviet-made anti-personnel mines and 210,000 hand-grenades!* 

It is also interesting to note that in later years Mandela was offered his freedom by none 

other than the South African President Botha if he would simply renounce the use of 

terrorism, but Mandela refused to do this. 

Winnie Mandela has been equally fulsome in her praise of Communism and violence. In 

1986 she was reported in Moscow's communist party newspaper Pravda as saying: 

The Soviet Union is the torch-bearer for all our hopes and aspirations. We have 
learned and are continuing to learn resilience and bravery from the Soviet 
people, who are an example to us in our struggle for freedom, a model of loyalty 

to internationalist duty. In Soviet Russia, genuine power of the people has been 
transformed from dreams into reality. The land of the Soviets is the genuine 
friend and ally of all peoples fighting against the dark forces of world reaction. 

and again at Munsieville, on April 13, 1986, she said: 

With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country. 

referring here to her own specific brand of democratic political activity whereby anyone 
who opposed her would be bound hand and foot and then burned to death by means of a 
tyre filled with gasoline being placed around the neck and set on fire. 

Has Mandela since changed his tune in any way? 

In September, 2002, Mandela gave an interview to "Newsweek" and the following 
summary gives his views on the situation with regard to the Iraq crisis: 

You will come to the conclusion that the attitude of the United States of America 
is a threat to world peace.... It (war against Iraq) is clearly a decision that is 
motivated by George W. Bush's desire to please the arms and oil industries in 
the United States of America. ..When there were white (UN) secretary generals 
you didn't find this question of the United States and Britain going out of the 
United Nations. But now that you've had black secretary generals like Boutros 
Boutros Ghali, like Kofi Annan, they do not respect the United Nations. They 
have contempt for it... It is the men around him (Cheney and Rumsfeld) who are 
dinosaurs, who do not want him (President Bush) to belong to the modern age... 
The only man, the only person who wants to help Bush move to the modern era 
is Gen. Colin Powell. 

No-one will deny Mandela the right to hold views opposed to a war on Iraq, but he is 
here revealing his own racist attitude to world politics - only white leaders are a threat to 
peace, and especially so when there are black secretary generals of the U.N. And in case 
we don't get the message he singles out the black member of the US administration, Colin 
Powell, as the only exception! (And, one could add, when it suits Mandela's argument, 
the Egyptian Boutros Ghali, suddenly qualifies as a "black" man...) The race card is one 
that is always brought out by Africans when they lack valid arguments, and it has always 
been a standard ploy of Communist rhetoric. To Mandela's way of thinking, it is capitalist 
greed that is preventing a one-world U.N. Government - in February 2003 he was 
reported as saying: 

"if there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is 
the United States of America. ..Iraq produces 64 percent of the oil in the world. 
What Bush wants is to get hold of that oil." 

Apart from displaying his Communist sentiments, Mandela here also reveals his 
ignorance of world economics - Iraq produces only 5% of world oil exports, not 64%. He 
also makes no mention of the huge debts of money that Iraq owes France, Germany and 
Russia, and that it is just possible that they are opposed to the war because they would 
like those debts paid. 

If Mandela's opposition to the United States comes as a surprise to some, or are dismissed 
as an expression of particularly strong feelings about the Iraq crisis, we should note that 
Mandela is nothing if not consistent. His views are always anti-American and pro- 
Communist, and always have been. In his book "The Struggle is My Life", a collection of 
his writings, we read in a piece dated 1958: 

...the people of Asia and Africa have seen through the slanderous campaign 
conducted by the U.S.A. against the Socialist countries. They know that their 
independence is threatened not by any of the countries in the Socialist camp but 
by the U.S.A., who has surrounded their continent with military bases. The 
Communist bogey is an American stunt to distract the attention of the people of 
Africa from the real issue facing them, namely, American imperialism, (pp 76) 

* The full list of munitions and charges read as follows: 

• One count under the South African Suppression of Communism Act No. 
44 of 1950, charging that the accused committed acts calculated to further 
the achievement of the objective of communism; 

• One count of contravening the South African Criminal Law Act (1953), 
which prohibits any person from soliciting or receiving any money or 
articles for the purpose of achieving organized defiance of laws and 
country; and 

• Two counts of sabotage, committing or aiding or procuring the 
commission of the following acts: 

1 ) The further recruitment of persons for instruction and training, both 
within and outside the Republic of South Africa, in: 

(a) the preparation, manufacture and use of explosives — for the purpose of 
committing acts of violence and destruction in the aforesaid Republic, (the 
preparation and manufacture of explo- sives, according to evidence 
submitted, included 210,000 hand grenades, 48,000 anti-personnel mines, 
1,500 time devices, 144 tons of ammonium nitrate, 21.6 tons of aluminum 
powder and a ton of black powder); 

(b) the art of warfare, including guerrilla warfare, and military training 
generally for the purpose in the aforesaid Republic; 

(ii) Further acts of violence and destruction, (this includes 193 counts of 

terrorism committed between 1961 and 1963); 

(iii) Acts of guerrilla warfare in the aforesaid Republic; 

(iv) Acts of assistance to military units of foreign countries when 

involving the aforesaid Republic; 

(v) Acts of participation in a violent revolution in the aforesaid Republic, 

whereby the accused, injured, damaged, destroyed, rendered useless or 

unserviceable, put out of action, obstructed, with or endangered: 

(a) the health or safety of the public; 

(b) the maintenance of law and order; 

(c) the supply and distribution of light, power or fuel; 

(d) postal, telephone or telegraph installations; 

(e) the free movement of traffic on land; and 

(f) the property, movable or immovable, of other persons or of the 

Source: The State v. Nelson Mandela et al, Supreme Court of South Africa, Transvaal Provincial Division, 
1963-1964, Indictment. 

Text of the handwritten Manuscript: 



Nelson Mandela 


A Communist is a member of the Communist Party who understands and accepts the 
theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism as explained by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin 
, and who subjects himself to the discipline of the Party. (See notes 1, 2, 3 & 4) 

The goal of Communism is a classless society based on the principle: from each 
according to his ability and to each according to his needs. The aim is to change the 
present world into a Communist world where there will be no exploiters and no 
exploited, no oppressor and oppressed, no rich and no poor. Communists fight for a 
world where there will be no unemployment, no poverty and starvation, disease and 
ignorance. In such a world there will be no capitalists, no imperialists, no fascists. There 
will be neither colonies nor wars. 

In our own country, the struggles of the oppressed people are guided by the South 
African Communist Party and inspired by its policies. The aim of the S.A.C.P. is to 
defeat the Nationalist government and to free the people of South Africa from the evils of 
racial discrimination and exploitation and to build a classless or socialist society in which 
the land, the mines, the mills, our (unreadable) 

Under a Communist Party Government South Africa will become a land of milk and 
honey. Political, economic and social rights will cease to be enjoyed by Whites only. 
They will be shared equally by Whites and Non-Whites. There will be enough land and 
houses for all. There will be no unemployment, starvation and disease. 

Workers will earn decent wages; transport will be cheap and education free. There will be 
no pass laws, no influx control, no Police raids for passes and poll tax, and Africans, 
Europeans, Coloureds and Indians will live in racial peace and perfect equality. 

The victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., in the Peoples Republic of China, in Bulgaria, 
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Rumania, where the living conditions of the 
people were in many respects similar and even worse than ours, proves that we too can 
achieve this important goal. 

Communists everywhere fight to destroy capitalist society and to replace it with 
Socialism, where the masses of the common people, irrespective of race or colour, will 
live in complete equality, freedom and happiness. They seek to revolutionise society and 
are thus called revolutionaries. Those who support capitalism with its class divisions and 
other evils and who oppose our just struggles to end oppression are called counter 

Comrade Liu Hao Schi, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of 
China, says: 

we Communist Party members are the most advanced revolutionaries in 
modern history and are the contemporary fighting and driving force in 
changing society and the world. Revolutionaries exist because counter- 
revolutionaries still exist. Therefore, to conduct a ceaseless struggle 
against the counter-revolutionaries constitutes an essential condition for 
the existence and development of revolutionaries. If they fail to carry on 
such a struggle, they cannot be called revolutionaries and still less can 
they advance and develop. It is in the course of this ... [that] ... members 
change society, change the world and at the same time change themselves. 

To succeed in conducting a ceaseless struggle against the counter-revolutionaries, and to 
be able to play the vital role of being the most advanced revolutionary and driving force 
in changing society and the world, one must put all else aside and seriously and faithfully 
undertake self-cultivation. 


The process of self-cultivation involves two elements: 

(a) One's steeling in the practical struggle of the oppressed people, and 

(b) the cultivation of one's ideas. 


To become the most advanced communist revolutionary, it is not enough to 
understand and accept the theory of Marxism-Leninism. In addition, one must 
take part in the practical struggles of the people against oppression and 
exploitation. A person who is isolated from the people's struggles, an arm-chair 
politician however deep his knowledge of Marxist theory might be, is not a 
communist revolutionary. 

It is only in the course of such practical struggles that one's advancement and 
development is stimulated, that one acquires the necessary experience to guide the 
masses of the people in their political battles and the art and skill of being a 
driving force in changing society and the world. It is precisely for this reason that 
SACP requires its members to participate fully and without reservations in such 
issues as the Anti-Pass Campaigns, the struggle against Bantu Authorities, against 
job reservation, the Group Areas Act and in all other mass campaigns. 

By consistently taking part in such struggles, Party members who may 

whatsoever, gain valuable knowledge and get hardened for the stern mass 
struggles that are part and parcel of the life of every Communist revolutionary. 


Participation (in) practical mass struggles does (not) in itself enable a Party 
member to raise his revolutionary qualities, nor does it help him to understand the 
(aims) of the development of society and the laws of the revolution. Progress in 
one's revolutionary qualities and knowledge of the laws of social development 
and the laws of the revolution will be achieved by a thorough understanding of the 
meaning of Marxism. 

It is thus absolutely imperative for all Party members to have to make a serious 
study of Marxist philosophy and to master it completely. Only in this way will 
Party members become the most advanced revolutionaries. Only in this way will 
they advance and develop. 

The aim of studying Marxist philosophy is to enable us to direct more effectively 
revolutionary mass struggles. To put it in a nutshell, Marxism is a guide to action. 
Communist Party members must undertake self-cultivation whether they are new 
members in the Party or old ones, whether they are workers, peasants, 
businessmen, professional men or intellectuals, and whether they are conducting 
difficult or easy revolutionary mass campaigns; in victory or defeat. 
Finally, self-cultivation must be imaginative and practical, and must be used to 
eliminate from one's outlook and conduct unhealthy tendencies which local 
conditions may give rise to. 

South Africa is a country where the Whites dominate politically, economically 
and socially and where Africans, Coloureds and Indians are treated as inferiors. It 
is a country torn asunder by racial strife and where black and white chauvinism 
finds fertile soil in which it thrives and where efforts and appeals for working- 
class solidarity very often fall on deaf ears. 

The pamphlet compiled by the S.A.C.P. to mark the fortieth anniversary of the 
Communist Party of South Africa which preceded the S.A.C.P. and which was 

declared illegal in 1950 correctly points out that, in spite of all the formidable 
difficulties that face it, the C.P.S.A. had in its existence brought about profound 
changes in the thinking and political outlook of the oppressed people of South 
Africa. These achievements are being expanded and further developed by the 
S.A.C.P.; the worthy successor of the C.P.S.A. In spite of these advances, 
however, there is still the danger that the historical problems and prejudices 
produced by capitalist society in our country may infiltrate into our Party and 
influence the political outlook of our Party members. 

In cultivating their outlook, our members must consciously strive to remove these 
particular weaknesses and shortcomings as well. 

This is what we mean when we say Party members must undertake self- 


At the beginning of these lectures, we defined a communist as a member of the 
Communist Party who understands and accepts the theory and practice of 
Marxism, Leninism as explained by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. 
Any person may become a member of the Communist Party if he accepts the 
Programme and Constitution of the Party, pays Party membership fees and 
undertakes tasks given to him in one of the Party's organisations. These are called 
the minimum qualifications that every Party member must possess, but every one 
of our members should not be content to be a member of minimum qualifications 
He must strive to become a member of maximum qualifications. Every Party 
member should raise his revolutionary qualities in every respect to the same level 
as those of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. 

Some say that it is impossible to acquire the great qualities of revolutionary 
geniuses like Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and that it is impossible to raise our 
own qualities to the same level as theirs. But as long as Party members work hard 
and earnestly, never allow themselves to be isolated for one single moment from 
the day to day struggle of the people, and make serious efforts to study Marxist 
literature, learn from the experiences of other comrades and the masses of the 
people, and constantly strive to steel and cultivate themselves, they will be 
perfectly able to raise their qualities to the same level as that of Marx, Engels, 
Lenin and Stalin. 

There are two ways of studying Marxism. One is to learn it by heart and be able to 
repeat mechanically the information learnt without being able to use this 
information for the purpose of solving problems. The second is to try to master 
the essence, spirit and methods of Marxism. In this second category belongs those 
comrades who read over and over again Marxist literature, who pay special 
attention to the concrete conditions existing in the country where they live and 

draw their own conclusions, their activities, their attitude towards other 

comrades and the masses of the people, and the whole of their lives are guided by 
the principles of Marxism-Leninism and aimed at one thing - national liberation, 

the victory of the working class, the liberation of mankind, the success of 
Communism and nothing else. 

To reach this goal calls for a supreme effort and an iron will. It means complete 
dedication to the struggle for the removal of oppression and exploitation and for 
lifelong dedication to the study of Marxism. 


Cultivation must be carried out in all aspects in the course of the long and 
strenuous struggle to free the working class and the masses of the people from 
capitalist exploitation. Cultivation is needed in studying Marxism and in applying 
it to answer questions and to solve practical problems, in sharpening one's class 
outlook and political thinking, in shaping one's moral character and behaviour; in 
hard work and ability to withstand hardship, in preserving the unity of the Party 
and conducting inner party struggle; in loyalty to the Party and complete 
dedication to the cause of the Communist Revolution. 

The life of a Communist revolutionary is no bed of roses. It consists of serious 
studies in Marxist literature, of hard work and of constant participation in 
numerous and endless mass struggles. He has no time for worldly pleasures and 
his whole life is devoted to one thing, and one thing only, the destruction of 
capitalist society, the removal of all forms of exploitation and the liberation of 

A Communist revolutionary always combines thought with practice. He studies 
for the sole purpose of putting into practice what he has learnt. He regards 

Marxism, as action and takes part fully and without reservation in mass 

struggles directed by the party or by other political organisation outside of the 


In South Africa, a Communist Party member must take part in mass struggles 

initiated by the S.A.C.P., the Congress movement or by other political bodies 

within the liberation movement. 


It is commonly thought that one's intelligence, ability and the study of Marxist 
text-books are in themselves enough to enable one to master the theory and 
method of Marxism-Leninism. Nothing could be further from the truth. Dealing 
with this point, Liu Shao Chu says: - 

"Marxism-Leninism is the science of the proletarian revolution. It can be 
thoroughly understood and mastered only by those who fully take the 
proletarian standpoint and who adopt the ideals of the proletariat as their 
own. It is impossible for anyone to thoroughly understand and master the 
Marxist science of the proletariat only by means of his intellect and strenuous 

study if he lacks the firm standpoint and .... ideals of the proletariat. This is 
also an obvious truth. Therefore, in studying the theory and method of 
Marxism-Leninism today, it is necessary that our study proceeds 
simultaneously with our ideological cultivation and steeling because without 
the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism, we should have nothing to 
guide our thoughts and actions and our ideological cultivation would also be 
impossible. These two are closely related to each other, and are inseparable." 
We do need Communist Party members who are highly intelligent and who have 
ability and who make it their business to have a thorough understanding of 
Marxist theory. But a working class revolution will be carried out successfully by 
those Party members who, in addition to the characteristics mentioned above, 
adopt without reservation, the standpoint and ideals of the working class. 
Although they may be unable to recite quotations from Marxist textbooks, 
experience shows that Party members of working class origin have a keener 
interest and deeper understanding of Marxism-Leninism than those Party 
members of student origin provided it is explained to them in words they 
understand. In loyalty to the Party, in discipline and in the handling of practical 
problems, they often prove more correct and more in conformity with the 
Principles of Marxism-Leninism than others. 

This is so because Party members of working class origin have a firm and pure 
Communist standpoint and ideals, an objective attitude towards things, and in 
their minds they have no preconceived ideas whatsoever, and no worries about 
personal problems or about impure matters. 
Party members who lack a firm working class outlook, who have the habits and 

of other classes and who have personal interests and selfish ideas are not true 

Communists. As a matter of fact they very often find that Marxist-Leninism 
principles will clash with their interests, and they invariably try to distort these 
principles to suit their own personal interests and prejudices. 
Every Communist revolutionary must therefore, firmly adopt the standpoint and 
ideology of the working class. Unless he does this, it is not possible for him to 
understand the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism. 


On Page One of this section we found out that our aim is to change the present 
world into a Communist world where there will be no exploiters and exploited, no 
oppressor and oppressed, no rich and poor. We also make the point that the 
victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., in China and other States in Asia and Eastern 
Europe proves that a Communist world is capable of attainment. Moreover, since 
the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. in 1917, the Socialist camp has grown to 
become a world force with a population of more than 1,000 million and 
occupying a third of the globe. 

But in spite of this victorious advance, the Communist movement still faces 
powerful enemies which must be crushed and wiped out from the face of the earth 

before a Communist world can be realised. Without a hard and bitter and long 

struggle against capitalism and exploitation, there can be no Communist world. 

The cause of Communism is the greatest cause in the history of mankind, because 

it seeks to remove from society all forms of oppression and exploitation to 

liberate mankind, and to ensure peace and prosperity to all. 

A Communist revolution is different from all other revolutions in history. 

Whereas in other revolutions the seizure of State Power is an end in itself, in a 

Communist revolution the seizure of State Power by the working class is a means 

to an end, that end being the total removal of all forms of exploitation, the 

liberation of mankind by building up a classless society. 

Every Communist Party member must possess the greatest courage and 

revolutionary determination and must be prepared to play his part and carry out 

all political tasks without fear or hesitation. 

In the struggle to transform the present world into a Communist world, we must 

strive consistently to combine theory with practice. 

Finally, WE must live and develop in reality in fighting to change the world, we 

must start from the very people in close contact with us. We must thoroughly 

study our own situation and problems, understand them completely and work out 

appropriate solutions. 


A Communist Party member must subordinate his personal interests to those of 
the Party. The Communist Party has no interests of its own apart from those of the 
working class. Therefore, the subordination of a Party member's personal 
interests to the Party's interests means subordination to the interests of the 
working class. 

We test a Communist Party member's loyalty to the Party, to the revolution and 
the Communist cause by the manner in which he absolutely and unconditionally 
subordinates his interests to those of the Party under all circumstances. To 
sacrifice one's personal interests and even one's life without hesitation for the 
cause of the Party is the highest manifestation of Communist ethics. 
In the Party our members should not have personal aims independent of the 
Party's interests. The desire for personal power and positions, individual heroism, 
conflict with the interests of the Party and the working class. 

A true communist should possess the following characteristics: 
(i) He must posses very good Communist ethics. 

He can show love and loyalty to all his Comrades, revolutionaries and working 
people, help them unconditionally, treat them with equality and never harm any 
one of them. 

He always tries to do more revolutionary work than others and to fight harder. In 
times of adversity he will stand out courageously and unflinchingly and, in the 
face of difficulties he will demonstrate the greatest sense of responsibility. He is 
able to resist corruption by riches or honours, to resist tendencies to vacillate in 
spite of poverty and lowly states and to refuse to yield in spite of threats of force. 

(ii) He possess(es) the greatest courage. He can see his mistakes and shortcomings 
and has sufficient willpower to correct them. At all times and under all 
circumstances he speaks the truth and nothing but the truth. He courageously 
fights for it even when it is temporarily to his disadvantage to do so. 

(iii) He has a thorough understanding of the theory and method of Marxism- 
Leninism. He has an objective attitude. 

(iv) He is the most sincere, most candid and happiest of men. Apart from the 
interests of the Party and of the revolution he has no personal losses or gains or 
other things to worry about. He takes care not to do wrong things when he works 
independently and without supervision and when there is ample opportunity for 
him to do all kinds of wrong things. 

He does not fear criticism from others and he can courageously and sincerely 
criticise others. 

(v) He possesses the highest self-respect and self-esteem. For the interest of the 
party and of the revolution, he can also be the most lenient, most tolerant and 
most ready to compromise and he will even endure if necessary, various forms of 
humiliation and injustice without feeling hurt or bearing grudges. 

The Communist Party represents not only the interests of individual Party 
members but also the long-range interests of the entire body of workers and the 
emancipation of mankind; the Communist Party has no other interests and aims. 
The Party must not be regarded as a narrow small group like a guild which seeks 
only the personal interests of its members. Whoever holds such a view is not a 

A member of our Party is no longer just an ordinary person. He is a conscious 
vanguard fighter of the working class. He should prove himself a conscious living 
representative of the interests and ideology of the working class. He should 
thoroughly merge his personal interests and aims in the general interests and aims 
of the Party and the working class. 

A communist revolutionary has his personal interests and the Party should neither 
eliminate his personality nor prevent personal development, as long as these do 
not conflict with the interests of the Party. 

This is what is meant by the unconditional subordination of the personal interest 
of a Party member to the interests of the Party. 


(i) People who join the Communist Party come from different classes of society 
and bring with them various habits which often clash with the basic tenets of 
Marxism-Leninism. Because these people do not have a firm and clear cut 
Communist outlook they very often waver and even desert the Party when they 
are faced with danger or difficulties. 

The Party must pay particular attention to the education, steeling and self- 
cultivation of such comrades since without them, they cannot develop to be true 
Communists. No Communist Party anywhere in the world limits its membership 
only to those who have a thorough understanding of Communism. The Party will 
admit any person who accepts the programme of the Party and its Constitution. 
By serious study and hard work such comrades can develop into excellent 
Communists ready to give their lives for the Party and the Communist cause .... 
individualism and self interests in their work. In their attitude and work they place 
their personal interests above the Party's interests, they worry about personal 
gains, they use the Party for their own personal interests. 
They always want special treatment, less work and more pay. They avoid hard 
work and hardship; and will disappear at the first signs of danger, and yet they 
will want to share the honours won by their comrades for the Party through 
sacrifice and hard work. 

Individualism frequently expresses itself in unprincipled discussions and disputes, 
factional struggles and in sectarian tendencies and in undermining Party 
discipline. A closely related mistake is that of departmentalism, in which a 
comrade sees only partial interests, sees only his part of the work instead of 
seeing the situation as a whole and of the work of others. It often leads to 
obstruction and must be avoided. 

(iii) Others show conceit, individual heroism and like to show off. Liu Shao Chi 
says of these people: - 

The first consideration of people with such ideas is their position in 
the Party. They like to show off, and want others to flatter them 
and admire them. They have a personal ambition to become 
leaders. They take advantage of their abilities and like to claim 
credit; to show off themselves; to keep everything in their hands 
and they are intolerant. They are full of vanity, do not want to keep 
their heads in hard work and are unwilling to do technical work. 
They are haughty. When they have made some small achievements 
they become very arrogant and domineering as if there were no 

one else like them in the world. They seek to overshadow others 
and cannot treat others on equal terms, modestly and politely. They 
are self conceited and like to lecture others, to instruct and boss 
others. They are always trying to climb above others, and do not 
accept directions from others, do not learn modestly from others 

and from the masses, nor do they accept criticism from 

others. They like to be "promoted" but cannot stand being 

"They can only work in fair weather but not in foul. They cannot bear 
attacks on injustices and are unable to adapt themselves to circumstances. 
They are no great men capable of asserting themselves when necessary or 
of keeping in the background when required. They have not yet got rid of 
their deep-rooted "desire for fame" and they try to build themselves up 
into "great men" and "heroes" in the Communist cause, and even have no 
scruples in employing any means for the gratification of such desires. 

However, when their aims cannot be achieved, when they treatment 

from comrades in the Party, there is a possible danger of their wavering. In 
the minds of such persons there exists remnants of the ideology of the 
exploiting classes. They do not understand the greatness of Communism, 
nor do they have the broad vision of a Communist. 

A Communist should have none of these shortcomings. Whoever possesses such 
weaknesses does not understand Communism and cannot rise to become as great 
as Lenin. In the Communist Party leaders achieve success through mass support. 
Mass support is earned by those Party members who have no personal interests as 
against those of the working class and the Party who are completely loyal to the 
Party, who have a high degree of Communist ethics and revolutionary qualities, 
who strive to master the theory and methods of Marxism-Leninism, who have 
considerable practical ability, who can actually direct Party work, who are not 
afraid of serious study and love work, and who become heroes and leaders in the 
Communist revolution because of the confidence and support they enjoy from the 
masses of the people. 

The struggle to change the world into a Communist world cannot be 

carried out by one person however able he may be and however hard he works. It 
can be carried out successfully only by the planned and combined efforts of 
millions of people. 

Some Party members are contemptuous of technical work within the Party. Such 
an attitude is incorrect because technical work forms an important part of Party 
work and because a Party member should be ready and willing to do any work 
which is important to the Party whether or no(t) he likes to do such work. 

(iv) Other comrades within the Party reflect the ideology of the exploiting classes. 
In their Party work and in their relations with other Party members they behave 
like landlords, capitalists, and fascists. 

These persons seek to develop themselves by holding down others. They are 
jealous of those who are more capable. They are not prepared to work under other 
comrades or to take instructions. They secretly rejoice when other comrades fail 
in their political tasks and in their moral standards and conduct. They indulge in 
gossip and spread false information about their comrades. These are the 

characteristics of exploiting classes and are the working class and the 

Party. They should be fought and exposed wherever they are found. 

The working class is entirely different from the exploiting class. It does not 

exploit others nor does its interests conflict with those of the Party and other 

workers of exploited masses. 

The outlook and thinking of the working class are altogether different from those 

of the exploiting classes. In dealing with the enemies of the people they are 

merciless and uncompromising, but in dealing with their comrades they are 

always inspired by love and the desire to assist. They are strict with themselves 

but lenient towards other comrades. They are strict and firm on matters of 

principle and always adopt a frank and serious attitude. This is the outlook of the 

working class and should be learnt and developed by every Party member. 

(v) Some comrades still have bureaucratic tendencies. They like to run the Party 

by issuing edicts and directives without without taking into account the 

views of other comrades. They resent criticism and are very harsh in dealing with 
other comrades. Such weaknesses are unmarxist and every communist should 
strive to overcome them completely. 

Furthermore a Party member should be broad minded and concern himself always 
with the overall situation when dealing with problems. He should avoid pettiness 

and unprincipled discussion. He should have standpoint and not a fence 


Although the Communist Party is the most progressive of all political parties, and 
although it fights for a society which guarantees happiness and prosperity to 
millions of people, not everything in it is perfect. In spite of the fact that its 
members are the world's most conscious and progressive revolutionaries with the 
highest sense of morality and righteousness, there are still defects in the Party and 
some of its members do not measure up to the qualifications of a Communist 
revolutionary. The explanation for this state of affairs lies in the fact that every 
Communist Party member emerges out of the very society whose evils it seeks to 
remove. Its members come from the various classes of that society and some of 
them bring into the Party the habits, prejudices and outlook on life of the class 
from which they came. It is precisely for this reason that Communist Party 
members must undertake self-cultivation. 

In addition to waging struggles against counter-revolutionary forces, the Party 
must carry on inner-Party struggles against those comrades who are still 
influenced by the outlook and prejudices of the exploiting classes. 

The working class is commonly referred to as the proletariat. The working class 
can be divided into three groups: 

(i) The first group is composed of those who completely severed their ties with 
the capitalist class years ago. This is the core of the working class and are the 
most loyal and reliable. 

(ii) The second group consists of those who only recently came from the non- 
working class, who came from the the middle class and the They are 

usually anarchistic and ultra-left. 

(iii) The third group is composed of the working class aristocracy, those working 
class members who are best provided for, who earn high wages and whose 
economic position is comparatively high. They compromise easily with the 
enemies of the people, with the capitalist class. 

Every Party member should aim to be the most loyal and reliable to the cause of 
Communism and to have a firm and clear-cut working class outlook. 


Some Party members have a pessimistic view on things and they see errors, 
defects and a future beset with formidable difficulties and dangers. The growing 
strength of the socialist camp, the power influence exerted by our Party in our 
own country and the certainty of the final victory of Communism over Capitalism 
inspire them with no hope in the future. 

Others see only victory and progress, and fail altogether to notice defects and 
errors in the Party. They become dizzy with success, become blindly optimistic 
and become less vigilant. 

Both views are un-marxist. A Communist Party member knows that the 
Communist Party is the most progressive and most revolutionary Party in the 
world. He has complete confidence in the future and he dedicates his entire career 
to the cause of Communism. In spite of this knowledge he realises most clearly 
that in our Party there are still various kinds of errors, defects and undesirable 
things. A Party member clearly understands the origin of these errors and the 
method to be used in removing them. 

The following are the various kinds of attitudes towards undesirable things in the 

(i) To enjoy seeing errors and defects in the Party and to magnify them to 
undermine the Party. This is the attitude of spies and similar elements within the 

(ii) Some people consider that the existence of errors and defects in the Party is to 
their advantage and they deliberately help to spread them and to make use of 
them. This is the attitude adopted by opportunists and similar elements within the 

(iii) To leave these errors and defects undisturbed instead of fighting against 
them. This is the course followed by those members who have but a weak sense 
of duty towards the Party and who have bureaucratic tendencies. 

(iv) To harbour violent hatred towards errors and defects and towards Party 
members whose political outlook is incorrect. They believe in bitter struggles 
among Party members and expel their comrades at the slightest pretext. This is the 
method used by Party comrades who do not correctly understand the methods of 
correcting mistakes and weakness amongst comrades. 

All these attitudes are incorrect and dangerous and should be scrupulously 
avoided by Communists. Our own attitude is as follows: - 

(i) We first analyse the situation most thoroughly and decide which views are 
correct and which of them are incorrect and dangerous to the Party. Once we are 
convinced of the correct opinion we firmly uphold it to the bitter end and no 
matter how strong the opposition and how influential the individuals who hold the 
opposite point of view. 

(ii) Having carefully analysed the situation and having decided which is the 
correct opinion, we then devote our attention to the promotion and development 
of the correct viewpoint. We never allow ourselves to be influenced by an 
incorrect point of view. 

(iii) Communists are men of action. In promoting and developing the correct 
viewpoint we also fight actively against all the undesirable things in life. A Party 
member who is afraid of action and hard struggle, however brilliant he might be, 
can never be a Communist revolutionary. A Communist must always and under 
all circumstances, be ready and willing to conduct an active struggle against all 
forms of reaction. 

(iv) Although a Communist never compromises on questions of principle, he 
never adopts an inflexible and mechanical attitude in his methods of struggle. The 
aim is always to reform and educate those comrades who still possess non- 
Communist tendencies. 

(v) The elimination of undesirable tendencies in the Party and the building up of 
revolutionary qualities in our members enhances the discipline and prestige of the 
Party. Those Party members who fail to respond to the most patient persuasion 
and to efforts to educate and reform them, should be expelled from the Party. 

As indicated at the very beginning of this series, a Communist is a member of the 
Communist Party who understands and accepts the theory and practice of 
Marxism-Leninism as expounded by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, and who 
subjects himself to the discipline of the Party. A good Communist is therefore one 

(i) Is a member of the Communist Party who is absolutely faithful and loyal to the 
Party, who obeys without question all Party rules and regulations and who carries 
out all instructions issued by the Party. 

(ii) Has thoroughly studied the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, who 
understands them clearly and who knows how to carry out their teachings in the 
struggles of the people to defeat capitalism and all forms of exploitation. 

(iii) Devotes all his time to one thing, and one thing only, the struggle against 
Capitalism and for a Communist world. 

(iv) In their relations with Party comrades are always inspired by love and sincere 
friendship and the desire to be helpful. 

(v) Are honest and upright and who are prepared to defend the truth at all times 
and under all circumstances. 

Such is a good Communist. 


Dialectical Materialism is the revolutionary philosophy of the Communist Party 
and the working class. 

Dialectical Materialism was founded by Marx and Engels and is discussed and 

explained in the works of Lenin and other prominent leaders of the Communist 


It is a dialectical philosophy because it studies things concretely and objectively 

and because its approach on all things in nature is always based on data 

established through scientific investigation and experience. 

It is materialistic because it holds the view that the world is by its very nature 

material and that the numerous things and processes we see in the world 

constitute different forms of matter in motion. 

In ancient times dialectics was the art of arriving at the truth by disclosing the 

contradictions in the argument of an opponent and solving these contradictions. 

This dialectical method of establishing truth was later extended to the study of 

nature. Using the dialectical method of study and investigation, mankind 

discovered that all things in nature are always in motion and always changing, and 
that nature develops as the result of contradictions in nature itself. 


The dialectical method has four main features: 

(1) The dialectical method considers that nothing can be understood taken by 
itself in isolation from other things or from its surrounding circumstances. A thing 
must always be studied and understood in relation to its environment or 

(2) The dialectical method considers everything as in a state of continuous 
movement and change, of renewal and development, where something is always 
arising and developing and something always falls into pieces or is dying away. 

(3) The dialectical method holds that the process of development should be 
understood as an onward and upward movement, as a transition from an old 
qualitative state to a new qualitative state, as a development from the simple to 
the complex, from the lower to the higher. 

(4) The dialectical method holds that internal contradictions are inherent in all 
things in nature. Everything has its positive and negative side, a past and future. 
In nature there is always something dying away and something developing. The 
struggle between the opposites, between the positive and the negative, between 
the past and the future, between the old and the new, between that which is dying 
away and that which is being born, is the sole reason for development and change. 

Historical materialism is the application of the principles of dialectical 
materialism to the study of society and its history. 

A Communist must strive to master completely the principles of the dialectical 
method discussed above and use them as a guide in his political work. 
Dealing with the first proposition mentioned above, the principle of considering 
things in relation to actual conditions and circumstances and not apart from these 
actual circumstances, is always of vital importance to a Communist in deciding 
the simplest policy questions. A Communist is useless to our movement if he 
deals with policy questions in the abstract without taking into account the actual 
circumstances in relation to which policy has to be implemented, without 
understanding that the same policy can be right in one case and wrong in another 
depending on the concrete circumstances of each case. 

In their struggle against race discrimination the oppressed people of South Africa 
have in the past followed a policy of peace and non-violence. They still seek 

peaceful solutions and they will do everything in their power to avoid violent 
strife and bloody revolution. But a blind and mechanical application of this 
policy, irrespective of actual conditions and circumstances can lead to defeat and 
disaster for our movement. In the past the people were able to conduct successful 
non-violent struggles because opportunities were available for peaceful agitation 
and struggle. But the policy of the Nationalist Government, which forcibly 
suppresses the peaceful struggles of the people, has created new conditions under 
which non-violent and peaceful methods of struggle have become inadequate to 
advance the struggle of the people and to defend their rights. Under these new 
conditions it is easy to understand why the masses of the people are searching for 
a new formula of political struggle which will enable them to hit back effectively 
and end the violent and reactionary policies of the Government. Whilst in the past 
it was correct to preach non-violence, under present conditions it is not correct to 
go on stressing it as if nothing has changed. There is nothing sacred or inherently 
superior about non-violent methods of struggle. So long as they are effective 
weapons to fight for freedom and democracy, they must be employed fully, but it 
would be wrong to persist with them mechanically once conditions demand 

The second proposition is equally important. If the world is in a state of constant 
movement and development, if the dying away of the old and the upgrowth of the 
new is a law of development, then it follows that no system of society is 
permanent and everlasting. Just as primitive communal society was replaced by 
slave society, and just as slave society was replaced by feudalism, and feudalism 
by capitalism, so will capitalism be replaced by socialism. This is what happened 
for instance, in Albania, Bulgaria, China, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, 
Hungary, North Korea, Rumania, Russia and North Vietnam. In all these 
countries the capitalist system was overthrown and replaced by socialism. In our 
own country capitalism cannot and will not last indefinitely. 
The people of South Africa, led by the S.A.C.P. will destroy capitalist society 
and build in its place socialism where there will be no exploitation of man by 
man, and where there will be no rich and poor, no unemployment, 
starvation, disease and ignorance. 

According to the third proposition of dialectical method, the process of 
development should be understood as an onward and upward movement, as a 
transition from the lower to the higher and from the simple to the complex. Hence 
the transition from capitalism to socialism and the liberation of the working class 
from the yoke cannot be effected by slow changes or by reforms as reactionaries 
and liberals often advise, but by revolution. One therefore, must be a 
revolutionary and not a reformist. 

Finally, if development and change in things take place by way of collision 
between opposite forces, then it is clear that the struggle between workers and 
capitalists is natural and unavoidable. Hence we must not try to preach peace and 
harmony between workers and capitalists. We must stimulate and encourage class 
struggle. We must call upon workers to conduct a ceaseless war against the 
capitalist class and for socialism. 


The philosophy of materialism as expounded by Marx is a way of explaining all 
questions, and is irreconcilably opposed to idealism. Two examples are given to 
illustrate the difference between the two methods of materialism and idealism, 
namely, what causes thunderstorms and why are some people rich and others 

An idealist would answer by saying that thunderstorms are due to the anger of 
God and that some people are rich and others poor because God made them so. 
The materialist, on the other hand seeks for an explanation of the natural forces 
and in the material and economic conditions of normal life. To a materialist, 
thunderstorms are due solely to natural forces and not to the anger of the Gods. 
He would explain that some people are poor because they are compelled by 
material conditions to work for low wages for the rest of their lives for the rich 
who own the means of production - the land, its mineral resources and its forests, 
the banks, mills and factories, transport and other systems of communication. 
These differences have important practical results. If we accept the idealist's 
explanation of thunderstorms, and of why some people are rich whilst others are 
poor, then there is nothing we can do about the matter except to sit, arms folded 
and pray to God. If we accept the materialist's explanation, however, we will take 
precautions against thunderstorms such as building lightning conductors. Instead 
of accepting our poverty as the will of God, we will stand up and fight to put an 
end to a system of society which condemns us to lifelong poverty and misery. 

Materialism and idealism are irreconcilably opposed. Materialism teaches: - 

(1) That the world is by its very nature material. In other words the things we see 
in the world are composed of matter. 

(2) That matter is something we can see with our naked eyes or by the aid of 
scientific instruments. 

(3) That the world and its laws are capable of being known. That although there 
are things which are not yet known, such things will yet be known through 
scientific investigation and experience. 

Idealism is essentially a belief in superstition, in the mysterious. It goes hand in 
hand with religion. It prevents clear thinking and confuses people. For ages it has 
been used by the exploiting classes to prevent the common people from thinking 
for themselves. It is a philosophy of the ruling classes and not of the working 

class. It is not the philosophy of people who fight for freedom. The philosophy of 
the working class is dialectical materialism, the only philosophy which is based 
on truth, and which is scientific and practical. 


Political economy explains how men get their living. 

It deals with the production and distribution among human beings of food, 

clothing, shelter, fuel and other things essential to human life. 

An important feature about production is that it is always in a state of change and 

development. Furthermore changes in the mode of production inevitably result in 

changes in the whole system of society, in the ideas of that society, in its political 

views and in its political institutions. To put it simply, at different stages of 

development people lead a different sort of life. 

Five main modes of production and five main types of society are known to 

history. These are primitive communal society, slave society, feudal society, 

capitalist society and socialist society. 


Under primitive communal society, men of the village went out together to hunt 
for the animals, to fish and gather the fruit that grew wild. The land and forests in 
which they hunted and picked up wild fruits, the rivers in which they fished, 
belonged to the whole community and not to any particular individual property 
and was shared equally by all. For clothes they used the skins of the animals they 
killed, and for shelter they used caves and rocks. Their tools consisted mainly of a 
hunting spear and trap and of a fishing net. 

This is how man produced food and shelter under primitive communal society. 
There were no classes. There were no rich or poor, no exploitation of man by 
man, and all were equal before the law. The affairs of the village were discussed 
publicly in a village council and all members of that community could attend the 
meetings and take part fully in the discussions. In times of war they killed their 
prisoners. They could not enslave or exploit them because they had no food to 
feed them with. In those days man could only produce enough food to feed 
himself and could not afford slaves. 

The only division of labour that existed was between the sexes. The men hunted 
wild animals and gathered wild fruits whilst the women managed the house, 
looked after children and cooked the food. 

This is the sort of life man led during primitive communal the earliest mode 

of production known in history. 


In course of time some tribes developed new means of producing food and this 
change in the method of producing food enabled men to lead a different sort of 
life. They began to sow seed and rear cattle so that they should have food ready at 
hand whenever they wanted it. Primitive agriculture began to develop and there 
arose differentiation between the tribes. Some still concentrated on hunting as the 
principal method of producing food, but others became pastoral farmers. The 
latter could now produce more than required for their personal needs. They 
became rich in cattle and began accumulating wealth. Under these new conditions 
men captured in war were not killed as in former days. Now they were needed to 
plough the lands of their captors, to look after their wealth and to produce more 
wealth for the slave owners. 
The division of society into classes had begun. 

The land and forests in which men used to hunt in former times, and the rivers in 
which they fished no longer belonged to the whole community but to the slave 
owners. The common and free labour of all members of the tribe in the production 
process, which existed under primitive communal society, had now disappeared; 
in its place there was now the forced labour of the slaves who were exploited by 
their masters. There was no common ownership of the means of production or of 
the fruits of production. Common ownership was replaced by private ownership. 
Rich and poor, exploiters and exploited, people with full rights and people 
without rights, and a fierce class struggle - such were the conditions under slave 

The emergence of private property, of contrasting extremes of enormous wealth 
on one side and dire poverty on the other, and the class hostility that resulted, 
made it necessary for the slave owners to build an instrument which they could 
use to protect their properties and their wealth and to crush slave revolts by force. 
It was under these circumstances that the exploiting classes created the army, the 
police force, the courts and the prisons and made laws. These things put together 
are called the State which is an instrument used by the exploiting classes to 
compel others to give in to their will. 

The State will last as long as class society exists. Only under Communism will the 
State disappear. In primitive communal society, order and discipline were 
maintained by tradition and custom and by force of public opinion. It was not 
necessary to rely on an instrument of force to suppress others. In exactly the same 
way, under Communism there will be no State because mankind will have 
reached a high level of political and cultural development and responsibility. 
A significant development during slave society was the emergence of commodity 
production. Articles produced not for the personal use of the producer, but for 
exchange, are called commodities. This was a development of tremendous 
importance and we will discuss it very fully when we deal with capitalist society. 
This was then the mode of primitive life under slave society. The system of 
society had changed, the people led a different way of life, new political ideas and 
new political institutions had arisen. 


Feudal society developed out of slave society and was essentially an agricultural 

mode of production. 

There were two main classes in feudal society. These were the Lords and the 


As in slave society, the means of production were owned by the lord of the estate. 

The serf was in a slightly better position than the slave because the lord did not 

have the power of life and death over him, and also because the serf owned the 

tools he used to plough the lands of his lord. 

He was however, subject to cruel exploitation and restrictions. He ploughed the 

land of his lord in return for a piece of land which he was allowed to occupy at the 

pleasure of his lord, and out of which he maintained himself and his family. The 

piece of ground where he lived was given to him to encourage him to produce 

more food and more articles for the enrichment of his lord, and he thus produced 

better results than the slave. He was tied down to the land and could not leave 

without permission. He was in a similar position to our own squatters commonly 

found on many white farms in our country. 

Under feudal society, food was grown and clothes and other articles were made to 

cater for the local population but the lords (or nobles as they were commonly 

referred to) used part of their wealth to buy all sorts of luxuries for themselves. In 

the course of time trade and transport developed and the desire for more wealth 

and luxuries increased. 

The development of trade and transport led to the growth of towns and their 

influence. It gave rise to new classes of society and to new ideas. A new class of 

men who earned their living through trade and commerce arose. These were the 


Feudal society became an obstruction to the expansion and growth of trade and 

commerce and the new ideas that were arising. The new class that was rising to 

power came into conflict with that class that held power. Feudal society was being 

challenged by the new social system of capitalism. Only by revolution could the 

new forces that were arising be freed. It was by revolution that the new forces 

challenged feudal society and replaced it with capitalism. It was also by 

revolution that the working class in many parts of the world replaced capitalism 

with the higher and democratic system of socialism. 

We have now seen that five main types of society are known to history. Primitive 

Communal Society, Slave Society, Feudalism and Socialism. New forms of 

society grew out gradually from the other society and in some cases different 

forms existed side by side. For example, in slave society there were traces of 

primitive communal society, whilst traces of slave society existed within feudal 

society. In our own capitalist South Africa there are still Africans, and to a lesser 

extent Coloureds, who live and work on white farms under conditions remarkably 

similar to those of feudal society of the Middle Ages. In other parts of the world 

we see Socialist societies, and societies in transition to Socialism. 

We live in a capitalist country and the chief task of our Party is to destroy 

Capitalism and replace it with Socialism. Capitalism is to us a of 

great imbalance. It is for this reason that we devote the greater part of this lecture 
to a study of this system. 


Capitalism has three essential features. 

(1) Wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few people who own the means of 
production as well as wealth in the form of money. The few people who own the 
means of production are called capitalists. 

(2) The vast masses of the people earn their living by working for capitalists in 
return for wages. In Marxist language these working people are called the 


End of MS 


1. Karl Marx (1818-83), German revolutionist, cofounder with Friedrich Engels of modern 
communism. Suggested that the capitalist society should be overthrown by the working 
class. His theory of scientific socialism is now called Marxism. 

2. Friedrich Engels (1820-95) Co-founder of communism with Karl Marx. Exercised 
considerable influence in the shaping of communist policy and principles. 

3. Vladimir Mich Lenin, original surname Ulyanov (1870-1924), Russian Marxist 
revolutionary and theoretician, and founder of the Soviet state (1 91 7). 

4. Joseph Stalin, real name Yosif Vissarionovitch Djugashvili (1879-1953), Russian 
Revolutionist and Soviet dictator. He established a terroristic police state in which millions 
of his own citizens were murdered.